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Summary:
President Obama has said his Administration shares the goals of the previous Administration on Iran, but the Obama Administration is formulating strategies and approaches to achieve those goals that differ from those of its predecessor. According to President Obama, the Administration intends to expand direct diplomatic engagement with Iran. This effort was put in practice with a message to the Iranian people by President Obama marking Persian New Year (Nowruz), March 21, 2009, and a statement on April 8, 2009 that the United States would regularly attend multilateral meetings with Iran on its nuclear program. The Administration also has de-emphasized potential U.S. military action, although without ruling that out completely, and it is not emphasizing efforts to promote democracy in Iran. Yet, there is debate among experts over whether these shifts will yield clear results. The policy decisions come as Iran enters its run-up to June 12, 2009 presidential elections, in which some prominent reformists, including Mir Hossein Musavi, are candidates. This increases the possibility the election might produce a somewhat more moderate government in Iran. The Bush Administration characterized Iran as a profound threat to U.S. national security interests, a perception generated primarily by Irans nuclear program and its military assistance to armed groups in Iraq and Afghanistan, to the Palestinian group Hamas, and to Lebanese Hezbollah. The U.S. approach was to try to prevent a nuclear breakout by Iran by applying multilateral economic pressure on Iran while also offering it potential cooperation should it comply with the international demands to suspend its enrichment of uranium. Multilateral efforts to pressure Iran include three U.N. Security Council resolutions (1737, 1747, and 1803) that ban weapons of mass destruction (WMD)-related trade with Iran; freeze the assets of Irans nuclear and related entities and personalities; prevent Iran from transferring arms outside Iran; ban or require reporting on international travel by named Iranians; call for inspections of some Iranian sea and airborne cargo shipments; and call for restrictions on dealings with some Iranian banks. Separate U.S. efforts to persuade European governments to curb trade, investment, and credits to Iran; and to convince foreign banks not to do business with Iran, began to weaken Irans economy, compounding the effect of a sharp drop in oil prices since mid-2008. To strengthen its approach, the Bush Administration maintained a substantial naval presence in the Persian Gulf, which U.S. commanders insist would prevent any Iranian attempts to close the crucial Strait of Hormuz for any extended period. The Obama Administration has not pushed assertively for new sanctions, pending the results of its outreach to Iran. However, Administration officials says they might renew that focus if Iran does not show signs of willingness to compromise, perhaps by the fall of 2009. Bills in the 111th Congress, such as H.R. 2194 and S. 908, would tighten U.S. sanctions on Iran by amending the Iran Sanctions Act. These bills contain provisions similar to those of several bills in the 110th Congress, including H.R. 1400, S. 970, S. 3227, S. 3445, and H.R. 7112. This report is updated regularly. For further information, see CRS Report RS20871, The Iran Sanctions Act (ISA), by Kenneth Katzman, CRS Report RS22323, Iran's Activities and Influence in Iraq, by Kenneth Katzman, and CRS Report RL34544, Irans Nuclear Program: Status, by Paul K. Kerr.
Related Bills:
H.R.2194
S.908
H.R.1400
S.970
S.3227
S.3445
H.R.7112
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